Atiku's Bundle
by
D. D Xavier
In developed societies where the rule of law, order and decorum
prevail, the right thing for any public office holder indicted in acts
of impropriety or abuse of office is to resign. Over and over again we
have seen this happen in the USA and Britain. Only last week, the
British Prime Minister, Tony Blair announced that he would be leaving
office next May because his party has lost confidence in his
leadership. The US defense secretary, Donald Rumsfeld, has tendered
his resignation several times in the last couple of years because of
popular criticism of his handling of the US invasion of Iraq, only to
be turned down by President Bush. Even though the cases leveled
against these two men are not gross acts of corruption, Blair and
Rumsfeld understand the import of loss of confidence in a public
officer by the populace.
Atiku has been accused not only of complicity in misuse of power but
the outright abuse of power and perpetration of acts of gross
corruption by the systematic manner in which the Petroleum Development
Trust Fund (PTFD) under his control was used to fund various shady
deals ranging from the iGate/NDTV deal to the Marine Float and
Globacom deals. The fall out of these is still unraveling. Only on
Friday, September 8, 2006 the head of iGate, Mr. Vernon Jackson a
Kentucky, USA businessman, was sentenced to an 87 months jail term,
plus 2 years probation upon completion of the jail term by U.S.
District Judge T.S. Ellis in Alexandria, Virginia. William Jefferson,
the US congressman linked in the iGate bribery scheme with Atiku is
under FBI investigation. Mr. Mike Adenuga, the conduit through whom
Atiku is alleged to have purchased shares in Globacom with PTFD funds
expropriated by Atiku for that purpose, has fled Nigeria for Ghana
en-route to England to join his twenty-something year old sons,
executive officers in Globacom and who also had earlier fled Nigeria
to escape investigation by the EFCC.
These charges are serious and not to be taken lightly. In what appears
to be a bold-faced attempt of self preservation, Atiku has gone to
court to seek an injunction to stop the report of the findings of
investigations of these allegations from being tabled before the
National Assembly. In addition, he has gone further to claim that the
monies paid into the accounts of his company, Marina Float Limited,
was under the joint control of him and President Obasanjo as the
monies were meant to be used for the Obasanjo/Atiku reelection
campaign. If indeed this was the intended use of the monies how come
they were not held in an appropriately named account? Why was the
account not under the control of the PDP? What does the paper trail as
regards the outflow of monies from the account reveal? Were expenses
incurred for the Obasanjo/Atiku reelection campaign paid out from the
account or was the account used to fund private projects of Atiku’s or
Obasanjo’s? These are questions to which answers can be easily
obtained through forensic accounting.
Atiku acknowledges that 100 million naira paid by the Plateau state
governor, Dariye to Marina Float towards the Obasanjo/Atiku reelection
in August 2001, two years before the 2003 reelection. The question
that arises here is: - Is there any legal grounds for a state governor
to make such a contribution from the coffers of his state to the
presidential campaign? Definitely none exists. On this ground alone,
the Vice President is liable along with the governor of Plateau state,
who as we know, is a fugitive of the British justice system, having
jumped bail in 2004 in London to escape charges of money laundering.
For all we know Dariye and Atiku may have been in cahoots in looting
the coffers of the state and the 100 million naira was Atiku’s share.
Or perhaps Atiku used the Marina Float account to fraudulently obtain
monies from donors by intimidation using the Obasanjo/Atiku reelection
as a cover. Either way, Atiku is clearly at abeyance with the law with
the Marina Float Limited affair.
Undoubtedly, Atiku and Babangida played pivotal roles in the 1999
election of Obasanjo as president. It is unlikely that Obasanjo could
have mustered the resources and support he enjoyed in the campaign
leading up to his nomination as the PDP candidate and his eventual
election as president without the roles played by these two
individuals. That however does not render them untouchable or immune
to investigation to the extent that there are questions about their
conducts in business and as high level officers of the Federal
Government of Nigeria.
The world over and throughout history, people in public leadership
positions are expected to conduct their affairs beyond reproach. As
William Shakespeare put it, “Ceaser’s wife must be above suspicion.”
But you don’t automatically attain this just by virtue of your
leadership position, it is something that is earned through personal
conduct and actions, and which can be easily cross-referenced in its
transparency. If indeed they are beyond reproach, Atiku, his
supporters and business partners (Adenuga in particular) should be
forthwith with the truth and allow for the proper proceedings to take
its course rather than cry wolf and make accusatory statements and
recriminations to garner undeserved ill-willed sentiments against the
investigators, the Federal Executive Council and President Obasanjo.
It is hoped that when the Senate Committee on Judiciary, Human Rights
and Legal Matters finally comes out with its guidelines on procedures
on the deliberation of the report which has been tabled before it with
a letter from the president that the senators dispatch their duties
without bias and partisanship.